{"id":10606,"date":"2025-01-04T05:39:10","date_gmt":"2025-01-04T03:39:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tacotichelaar.nl\/wordpress\/?page_id=10606"},"modified":"2025-12-23T21:29:08","modified_gmt":"2025-12-23T19:29:08","slug":"charles-henri-sanson","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/tacotichelaar.nl\/wordpress\/charles-henri-sanson\/","title":{"rendered":"M\u00e9moires de Charles Henri Sanson"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\"File:BalzacEpisodeTerror.jpg\"<\/p>\n

Recently I have gathered substantial information on Charles-Henri Sanson (1739\u20131806). He left school in 1753 and continued his studies with private tutors. The exact moment when he began assisting in executions is uncertain: it may have been in 1754, when his father was paralyzed, or in 1756, at the age of seventeen (Reising, 2024, p. 62).<\/p>\n

Although his father still held the title of executioner, most of the actual work was performed by Charles-Henri, with the support of his step-grandfather Fran\u00e7ois Prudhomme. In 1755 Parliament allowed him to substitute for his father but refused to grant him formal investiture. To his lasting shame, in 1766 he failed to decapitate his father\u2019s former friend, the Comte de Lally, with a single stroke, thereby subjecting him to unnecessary suffering (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. \u2026)<\/p>\n

Sanson became the official royal executioner at the court of Versailles after the death of his father, Charles-Jean-Baptiste Sanson, in August 1778. Charles-Henri had six younger half-brothers\u2014also executioners in different parts of France\u2014and two sisters (Reising, 2024, p. 62). His father, known as Monsieur de Paris<\/em> to distinguish him from his brothers, lived in the Marais near the church of Saint-Laurent (close to today\u2019s Gare de l\u2019Est).<\/p>\n

Educated and musically gifted, Sanson played the violin and the cello in his leisure time. He often met with his close friend Tobias Schmidt<\/a>, a respected German instrument maker who would later build the guillotine. Together they performed works by Christoph Willibald Gluck (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, pp. 396\u2013397).<\/p>\n

In the final days of 1789, Antoine-Joseph Gorsas accused Sanson in the Courrier de Paris<\/em> of harboring a royalist printing press in his home. On 27 January 1790 he was tried before the police tribunal at the H\u00f4tel de Ville but acquitted, after which Gorsas withdrew the charge. The defense speech was published as Plaidoyer prononc\u00e9 au tribunal de police de l\u2019H\u00f4tel de Ville de Paris\u2026<\/em> (Paris, 1790; 2nd ed., Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France).[https:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/item\/794\/ark__12148_bpt6k11808523?utm_source=chatgpt.com<\/a>][https:\/\/en.wikisource.org\/wiki\/1911_Encyclop\u00e6dia_Britannica\/Sanson,_Charles_Henri<\/a>] At the same time Sanson was also denounced as a royalist by Camille Desmoulins in R\u00e9volutions de France et de Brabant<\/em>, no. 7 (pp. 306\u2013307) (Goulard, Charles-Henri Sanson<\/em>, Mercure de France<\/em>, 1 Feb. 1951, pp. 262\u2013263; M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. 301). According to Charles-Henri himself, the Sanson family was not regarded as citoyens actifs<\/em>.<\/p>\n

A contemporary source summarized Sanson\u2019s position as follows:<\/p>\n

Fran\u00e7ais (original)<\/strong>
\u00ab Ils payent, disent-ils, comme les autres sujets du roi, les vingti\u00e8mes, la captation, les charges de ville et de police, la taxe des pauvres. Ils rendent le pain b\u00e9ni sur les paroisses ; ils sont enregistr\u00e9s dans la garde nationale de leurs districts. Pourquoi donc les emp\u00eacherait-on de participer aux autres avantages dont jouissent les autres citoyens ? \u00bb<\/em> (Le Petit Moniteur universel<\/em>, 27 d\u00e9cembre 1874).<\/p>\n

English (translation)<\/strong>
\u201cThey pay, they say, like the other subjects of the king: the vingti\u00e8mes, the captation, the city and police charges, the tax for the poor. They distribute the blessed bread in their parishes; they are registered in the National Guard of their districts. Why then should they be prevented from sharing in the other advantages enjoyed by other citizens?\u201d<\/em> (Le Petit Moniteur universel<\/em>, 27 December 1874).<\/p>\n

In September 1790, when the new revolutionary constitution was published, Sanson suggested stepping down in favor of his eldest son. The National Assembly, however, did not accept this proposal (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. \u2026). He never joined the Jacobin Club, but sought recognition as a citoyen actif<\/em>.<\/p>\n

On 25 April 1792 the National Assembly authorized the first use of the guillotine on a living person. According to the M\u00e9moires<\/em>, Louis XVI himself was consulted and gave his opinion (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. 403).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

Sanson appears to have been arrested on or shortly after 10 August 1792, but he was released on the 21st in order to carry out several more executions during a period of heightened crime. On 27 August his son Gabriel died tragically while executing Jean-Blaize Vimal, a counterfeiter of assignats, together with two accomplices: he slipped on the scaffold in a pool of blood and fell to his death (Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel<\/em>, 21 January 1893; ).[History of the Guillotine, Wikisource<\/a>]<\/p>\n

During the September Massacres Sanson, along with two of his half-brothers\u2014Charlemagne in Versailles and Louis-Martin in Tours and Auxerre\u2014was arrested again. He offered his resignation to the revolutionary authorities, but it was refused.[All That\u2019s Interesting, \u201cCharles-Henri Sanson\u201d]<\/a><\/p>\n

Sanson also became noted for his clothing: he first wore blue, but switched to green after critics pointed out that blue was considered the color of the nobility.[AlternateHistory.com, \u201cStrange History Collection\u201d<\/a>]<\/p>\n

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Under the law of 14 October 1791, all active citizens and their sons over the age of eighteen were required to enlist in the National Guard. Its duties were to maintain public order and, if necessary, to defend the territory in wartime. Active citizens in 1790 had to provide certificates proving their continuous enlistment since that time.<\/p>\n

On 12 August 1792, the royal family was transferred to the Temple. On the same day, during elections for officers of the National Guard, my grandfather and father were appointed sergeants, while my great-uncle Charlemagne Sanson became a corporal. These offices obliged them to take a more active role in political events than they wished (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. 462).<\/p>\n

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Portrait of Charlemagne Sanson, a half-brother. Mus\u00e9e de Provins.[Feuille de Provins, 5 d\u00e9cembre 1874]<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n
Fran\u00e7ais (original)<\/strong>
En revanche, le d\u00e9calage entre les sections et les bataillons \u00e9tait maintenu : ce n\u2019est qu\u2019au lendemain du 10 ao\u00fbt 1792 que la correspondance entre les deux cadres devait \u00eatre r\u00e9tablie, les sections devenant \u00ab sections arm\u00e9es \u00bb, tandis que la Garde nationale s\u2019ouvrait aux anciens citoyens passifs.[Affiches de la Commune de Paris.<\/a>]<\/pre>\n
English (translation)<\/strong>
However, the discrepancy between the sections and the battalions remained: it was only after 10 August 1792 that the correspondence between the two frameworks was restored, with the sections becoming \u201carmed sections,\u201d while the National Guard was opened to former passive citizens.<\/p>\n
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Fran\u00e7ais (original)<\/strong>
\u00c0 Paris, d\u00e8s le 13 ao\u00fbt 1792, les commissaires des sections r\u00e9tablirent la concordance entre les sections et les bataillons de la garde nationale, que la loi du 21 mai 1790 avait d\u00e9truite. La loi du 19\u201321 ao\u00fbt 1792 l\u00e9galisa la r\u00e9duction des soixante bataillons \u00e0 quarante-huit ; ce qui correspondait au nombre des sections de la Commune.[Devenne Florence. La garde Nationale ; cr\u00e9ation et \u00e9volution (1789-ao\u00fbt 1792). In: Annales historiques de la R\u00e9volution fran\u00e7aise<\/em>, n\u00b0283, 1990. pp. 49-66. DOI :\u00a0https:\/\/doi.org\/10.3406\/ahrf.1990.1411 <\/a>www.persee.fr\/doc\/ahrf_0003-4436_1990_num_283_1_1411<\/a>]<\/pre>\n
English (translation)<\/strong>
In Paris, as early as 13 August 1792, the commissioners of the sections restored the alignment between the sections and the battalions of the National Guard, which had been abolished by the law of 21 May 1790. The law of 19\u201321 August 1792 legalized the reduction of the sixty battalions to forty-eight, corresponding to the number of sections in the Commune (Devenne, 1990).<\/p>\n
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Fran\u00e7ais (original)<\/strong>
Auparavant l\u2019\u00e9tat-major sortait d\u2019une \u00e9lection au troisi\u00e8me degr\u00e9 : les capitaines, lieutenants, sous-lieutenants et sergents des compagnies d\u2019un m\u00eame bataillon \u00e9lisaient le commandant en chef, le second et l\u2019adjudant de ce bataillon. Et ceux-ci \u00e9lisaient ensuite, avec ceux des autres bataillons, le chef, l\u2019adjudant et le sous-adjudant de chaque l\u00e9gion (Braesch, p. 93). Voir l\u2019arr\u00eat\u00e9 de la Commune du 16 ao\u00fbt, qui r\u00e9organise la garde nationale. [Affiches de la Commune de Paris.<\/a>]\u00a0<\/em><\/pre>\n
English (translation)<\/strong>
Previously the staff officers were chosen through a three-tier election: the captains, lieutenants, sub-lieutenants and sergeants of the companies in a battalion elected the commander-in-chief, his deputy, and the adjutant of that battalion. These officers then elected, together with those from the other battalions, the commander, adjutant, and sub-adjutant of each legion (Braesch, p. 93). See also the decree of the Commune of 16 August, which reorganized the National Guard (Affiches de la Commune de Paris<\/em>).<\/p>\n
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Fran\u00e7ais (original)<\/strong>
L\u2019Assembl\u00e9e des Repr\u00e9sentants nomma les officiers de ces compagnies d\u00e8s le 24 octobre [S. Lacroix, t. II, p. 476\u2013477<\/a>]<\/pre>\n
English (translation)<\/strong>
The Assembly of Representatives appointed the officers of these companies as early as 24 October (S. Lacroix, vol. II, pp. 476\u2013477).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
On 20 January 1793 seems Charles Henri Sanson hesitated to execute the King. Sanson was\u00a0 threatened with a message that a plot to save the king was in place, that his life was in danger and Louis would be freed on his way to scaffold.[Vol III, p. 468] He was assisted by two brothers Charlemagne and Martin, who were heavely armed and Le gros and Barr\u00e9. In the evening Sanson secretly organised a mess for the soul of the King in La Villette?[Vol IV, p. ?] There is no proof the requiem was ever held.[R. Goulard (1950) Balzac et les “M\u00e9moires de Sanson” In: Mercure de France, 1 novembre 1950, p. 479-480 ] [Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, 21 janvier 1893 by G. Lenotre] The matter also came to the knowledge of a famous writer, Balzac, who wanted to hear it confirmed and to get to know the details from my father’s mouth himself. The latter satisfied his desire and their conversation provided the material for a narrative, which was used in the introduction to the spurious memoirs published in 1830.<\/span><\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
Charles-Henri\u2019s son, Henri-Nicolas-Charles Sanson (1767\u20131840), served in a battalion of the National Guard assigned to assist at the execution of Louis XVI, positioned close to but not on the scaffold (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. 472). In total, around one thousand guards were present on the square (Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel<\/em>, 21 January 1893, G. Lenotre).<\/p>\n
A month later, Sanson sent a letter to Le Thermom\u00e8tre du Jour<\/em> providing details of the execution. He wrote:<\/p>\n
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\u201cWhen the King stepped out of the carriage for the execution, we told him we had to remove his clothes. He resisted, saying we could execute him as he was, and even offered to cut his own hair.\u201d (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. III, p. 476)<\/pre>\n<\/blockquote>\n
According to Sanson, the condemned had to mount the scaffold barefoot, dressed only in a white shirt. Soon afterwards, reports circulated that relics of the execution were being sold:<\/p>\n
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\u201cThe buttons, scraps of clothing, and shirt of Louis Capet, as well as his hair, were collected and sold at very high prices to collectors. Executioner Sanson, accused of having participated in this new type of trade, has just written to journalists to clear his name on this matter; here are his words:\r\n\r\nI have just learned that there is a rumor circulating that I am selling or arranging the sale of Louis Capet\u2019s hair. If any has been sold, this vile trade could only have been carried out by scoundrels. The truth is that I did not allow anyone from my household to take or remove even the slightest trace.<\/em>\u201d<\/pre>\n<\/blockquote>\n
Lenotre observed that such stories, though widely accepted, gave rise to \u201cpicturesque embellishments\u201d and led some to believe that Sanson was consumed with remorse for having beheaded the King. \u201cThese are all errors,\u201d he concluded: unpublished documents leave no doubt that Sanson only resigned on 13 Fructidor, Year III (30 August 1795). In his letter of resignation, Sanson stated:<\/p>\n
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\u201cIt has been forty-three years that I have served in this office. I am suffering from nephritic disease and can no longer continue my duties.\u201d (Lenotre, pp. 148\u2013149)<\/pre>\n<\/blockquote>\n
The M\u00e9moires<\/em> also indicate that during part of the Revolution, Charles-Henri Sanson kept a diary, recording not only the executions he carried out but also his personal reflections. He maintained this journal regularly only from late Brumaire Year II (November 1793), but he also left a vivid account of the execution of Charlotte Corday on 17 July 1793. This account, more elaborate than official trial records, retains its disjointed, unpolished style\u2014yet it is precisely this simplicity that gives it its unique value.<\/p>\n
For a long time it was believed that Charles-Henri Sanson had died in 1793 of grief (Dumas, La Presse litt\u00e9raire<\/em>, 14 June 1857), but this was a mistake. He was buried at Montmartre Cemetery on 4 July 1806 (Lenotre, p. 148; Find a Grave, Memorial ID 6754<\/a>: accessed\u00a0January 12, 2025<\/span>). Even in 1911 the Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica<\/em> noted that no official record of his death was known, and Henri Sanson was incorrectly presented as his immediate successor, a role he formally assumed only on 4 September 1795 (Le Gaulois<\/em>, 19 January 1914).<\/p>\n
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After the insurrection of May\u2013June 1793, the Convention decreed on 13 June that each department should appoint its own executioner.<\/p>\n
Charles-Henri Sanson remained in office and supervised the execution of Charlotte Corday on 17 July. When his assistant Fran\u00e7ois Le Gros committed a grave breach of decorum by striking Corday\u2019s severed head, Sanson immediately reported the incident to Fouquier-Tinville; Le Gros was punished with imprisonment (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, 1830, p. 25).<\/p>\n
On 27 September 1793, Sanson\u2019s brother Charlemagne received a certificate of civisme from the surveillance committee of the Faubourg du Nord (Feuille de Provins<\/em>, 19 Dec. 1874). Although minor in itself, this detail is significant: it coincided with the beginning of the Terror, when such attestations of loyalty became essential for survival.<\/p>\n
In the following months Charles-Henri, assisted by his son Henri and by Fermin, took part in the executions of Marie-Antoinette, Philippe \u00c9galit\u00e9, and the Girondin deputies on 31 October. That evening, however, Fouquier-Tinville accused Sanson himself of incivisme<\/em>, a charge he indignantly rejected (M\u00e9moires des Sanson<\/em>, vol. IV).<\/p>\n
Commentary.<\/strong> These details correct several persistent errors in the historiography. Contrary to claims that Sanson resigned or withdrew earlier, the sources show that he remained active well into the autumn of 1793, directly involved in some of the Revolution\u2019s most significant executions.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
From the M\u00e9moires: Henri Sanson supervised the removal of the bodies, which were thrown in pairs into the baskets waiting behind the guillotine. But after six heads had fallen, the baskets and the fallboard were so flooded with blood that the touch of this blood must have been much more terrible for the following ones than death itself. Charles Henri Sanson ordered two assistants to pour out several buckets of water and wash off the pieces with a sponge after each execution, p. ? <\/span><\/pre>\n
In April 1794 Sanson seems to have appointed his brother-in-law (?), a certain Charles-Constant (?)\u00a0 Desmorest.[Le Figaro, 28 mars 1891][Vol. V, p. 3]<\/span><\/del><\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
The number of executions per day grew from three or four to tens and dozens, in some cases more than 60 beheadings in a day.<\/div>\n
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Cesare Beccaria<\/span><\/h3>\n
According to Reising, Charles-Henri Sanson\u2019s criticisms of the Reign of Terror differed from those of Revolutionary leaders because he did not see it as influenced by Enlightenment penal reformers. Instead, Sanson himself was directly influenced by Cesare Beccaria (Reising, 2024, p. 64).<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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He began by addressing the issue of citizenship, noting that although executioners were not legally recognized as citizens in France, they were still obliged to pay taxes like any other. He argued that the decree of 24 December 1789 failed to mention executioners, which led many to believe they were unfit for election or for holding civil or military office (Reising, 2024, p. 70).<\/p>\n
Beccaria had argued that traitors to their country should be executed. Revolutionary leaders cited this principle to justify the punishment of those accused of counterrevolutionary activity. But Sanson interpreted Beccaria differently. In his diary entry of 2 February 1794 he expressed his growing aversion to the Revolution, criticizing judges and jurors for the sheer number of victims they sent to the guillotine. Executioners, he insisted, were meant to punish murderers and thieves\u2014not citizens condemned for speaking out against their government and then put to death.<\/p>\n
Yet Revolutionary leaders, too, claimed Beccaria\u2019s authority, using his treatise to justify the ever-expanding executions during the Terror (Reising, 2024, pp. 76\u201377, 79, 83, 85).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Henri Sanson<\/span><\/h3>\n
Sanson, his brother Pierre–<\/span>Claude, lieutenant,\u00a0 and Henri were involved in the events of 9 Thermidor. At that time Henri was “capitaine de la Garde Nationale de Paris puis Gendarmerie des Tribunaux; d’abord infanterie, depuis 31 (?)\u00a0 Octobre 1793 dans artillerie.” [Vol. V, p. 257; Vol VI, p. 143] [Mercure de France,\u00a01 f\u00e9vrier 1949, p. 383<\/span>] for four months. In December two commissionaires were sent to several areas, [Journal des d\u00e9bats et des d\u00e9crets, 17 d\u00e9cembre 1793<\/span>] where farmers and merchants, supported by priests, refused to pay paid with assignats, losing their value quicly. Henri served at Coulommiers until March and not until May, and returned to Paris.[Vol. V, p. 274]<\/p>\n